Farmers' Protest: Pre-Standoff

As the Haryana govt. learned of the farmers’ reinforced and modified earth digging equipment, they asked the Panjab govt. to stop such vehicles from reaching the Shambhu border. Panjab Police issued instructions, but the vehicles were already at the borders. The farmers gave a verbal commitment to not use them first. The Punjab and Haryana High Court refused to admit a petition to ban that equipment from reaching the protest site. The night had been tense, the day started calm, prayers commenced. Farmer leaders once again appealed to the government to listen to their demands. Sarwan Singh Pandher said, ‘Those security forces are also ours. We will not attack them. We will meet them with empty hands.’ Jagjit Singh Dallewal addressed the protestors. He made them take an oath to not attack the security personnel and to not go in groups, and announced the leaders will lead the march. Even if there are casualties, the farmers are not to get violent. ‘Else we lose both lives and our protest space.’ As some youth moved towards the borders both at Shambhu and Khanauri, the security forces indulged in extensive tear gas shelling. The march was planned for 11 am. At 11.15 am, Arjun Munda, Minister of State for Agriculture and Farmers Welfare of India indicated the government is willing to conduct talks. This is the fifth round. At the time of publication, news is coming in that 23-year Shubhkaran Singh from Bathinda has died from police bullet injuries at Khanauri. Eye witnesses are saying police have picked up a couple of men, broken the legs of two of them, others have bullet injuries. At Shambu, around 25 farmers sustained injuries. While Haryana’s farmers are participating in the protest, the government of India is testing Panjab’s patience.    

Since security forces have blocked farmers at Shambu and Khanauri on the Panjab-Haryana border, there have been three more rounds of talks between farmer leaders and Indian government ministers (SDW Vol. 2 Issue 7, Story 1). In the latest one on 19 Feb, the government proposed its agencies such as National Cooperative Consumers Federation (NCCF) and National Agricultural Cooperative Marketing Federation of India (NAFED) will enter into contract with farmers who grow pulses — arhar, masoor and urad — and corn. The procurement will be on Minimum Support Price (MSP). There will be no limit on the quantity. Similarly, the Cotton Corporation of India will enter 5-year agreements with farmers to buy cotton crops at MSP. A number of questions arise: How different is this from the contract farming in the previously repealed Farm Laws? Farmers do not have a unified body. Who will these agencies enter an agreement with? Individual farmers? What if some year the agencies do not buy the crops? What is the mechanism to ensure their accountability? What if, some day, the government itself dissolves these agencies or sells them to a corporation? What about other demands? The farmers rejected the proposal and have decided to march to Delhi on 21 Feb, on the 100^th anniversary of the Jaito Da Morcha. The government has reinforced the barricades, cut off internet in seven Panjab districts, blocked key social media handles, and sent moles into the farmers' side. In spite of farmer leaders appealing for peace, it is apparent the government wants Panjab to burst into violence so it can crack down, then harvest votes in the elections saying it curbed the ‘terrorists’ — a major media campaign going on since protests began.

As talks between farmer leaders and Indian govt. ministers went on for a week, after the first attempt to breach Shambhu barricades on 13 Feb, the farmers got a week to prepare for the 21 Feb attempt. In this week the ingenuity, the grit, and gumption of the farmers was on full display. On the first day, farmers started using wet gunny sacks to cover drone-dropped tear gas canisters. Since the security forces kept shelling the protestors, by the next day they started using kites to take the drones down. The farmers procured gas masks and refitted their tractors with iron grills. As security forces moved to pellet guns, the farmers got thick jackets to ward off rubber bullets. They invented fans and high-speed air blowers to change the direction of water thrown on them through water canons. Internet is cut off, so groups have gotten walkie-talkies to stay connected. On the eve of the 21 Feb march, farmers brought out heavily reinforced and modified earth-moving equipment – excavators, tippers, hydras and tractors, some on iron wheels to deal with the nails dug on the roads. The farmers moved these vehicles to the front of the demonstration to tackle the barricades. The farmers are on their way to Delhi. They have not made their encampments. They have their trolleys loaded with food grains, so langars – free kitchens – have started. Temporary dwelling arrangements are being made. Doctors have started volunteering to take care of the farmers. Shambu and Khanauri increasingly resemble Singhu and Tikri from the 2020-21 Farmers Protest. Yet, there is a sense of being midway, not having reached their destination. This restlessness is very combustible.

The 2020-21 Farmers' Protest (FM) against the now-scrapped three agricultural laws gained headlines when farmers braved the bone-chilling cold, sweltering heat, and record rainfall. 732 farmers died during the more than a year-long agitation. After two years, farmers are on the streets again as the Indian Govt. ignored the fire of discontent that was temporarily doused by the assurances given in December 2021 when the FM 1.0 was called off. The delayed initiative to provide a legal framework for the Minimum Support Price and other demands has resulted in a fresh agitation by farmers. This Dilli Chalo (March to Delhi) call is by Samyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM) (Non-Political) led by Jagjit Singh Dallewal and Kisan Mazdoor Ekta led by Sarwan Singh Pandher. The original SKM, a group of 32 unions that led the earlier FM, has mostly stayed away, though some are now joining the Dilli Chalo call (SDW Vol. 2 Issue 3, Story 7). Big guns like Balbir Singh Rajewal, Rakesh Tikait, Gurnam Singh Chaduni, are staying away from joining the Dilli Chalo march though carrying out their own protests. Bhartiya Kisan Union (Ekta Ugrahan) joined in the protest but from outside. BKY (Ekta Ugrahan) blocked trains in Panjab for four hours on 15 Feb. Then they agitated in front of BJP leaders’ homes for three days. Some farmers from Bihar and Tamil Nadu have reached the protests. When Karnataka farmers were coming by train they were deboarded at Bhopal station, MP, beaten up and detained. Given how farmers from Panjab and Haryana from unions other than SKM NP and KME are joining the protest, the strength of many traditional unions may likely dwindle. Dallewal and Pandher have gained the first mover’s advantage. 

The Swaminathan commission (2004-06) had advised the central Indian government to raise the Minimum Support Price (MSP) to at least 50% above the weighted average cost of production. Also known as the C2+50% formula, it includes the input cost of capital and the rent on the land (called ‘C2’) to give the farmers 50% returns. Current PM Modi also recommended this when he was CM of Gujarat in 2011, heading a working committee. Modi in his election 2014 campaign speeches repeatedly said by 2022 the farmers would double their income. Once in power, the Central govt. proposed a new formula: A2+FL that lowers the MSP significantly. A2+FL is the cost incurred by the farmer and the value of family labor. For example, the price of grams by the A2 method is ₹2,651, by A2+FL it is ₹3,400, by C2 it is ₹4,547; plus 50% of the cost of production. A difference of about 40% between A2 and C2. The MSP announced this year on grams is ₹5,440 when it should be ₹6,820 - 25% less. The reason the government wants to keep prices suppressed is because a rise in prices would cause inflation. This is where the government needs to step in, and pay for the difference to satisfy farmers and consumers. On 14 Feb, estimating the real cost of MSP in the agriculture Marketing Year (MY) 2023, CRISIL Market Intelligence & Analytics placed it at around ₹21,000 crore ($2573M). Noting that MSP-based procurement is currently only done in a few States — Uttar Pradesh, Panjab, Telangana, Madhya Pradesh, Haryana, and Chhattisgarh — the firm said an MSP guarantee will percolate the benefit to farmers across the country and boost the rural economy.

One of the reasons the BJP government repealed the draconian Farm Laws and ended the 2020-21 Farmers Protest (FP) 1.0 was the upcoming elections in five states, including Uttar Pradesh and Panjab. The 15-month long protest made voters realize the farmers were correct and BJP tried averting further damage to its reputation. Panjab started experiencing the side effects of the FP 1.0 during and after the state assembly polls held in 2022. Despite having facilitated the FP 1.0, INC was voted out of power and bagged 23.1% votes against a 38.64% share in 2017. The worst-hit was SAD, which snapped 24-year-old ties with the BJP on the issue of the now-scrapped farm laws. The party's vote share nosedived to 18.38% in 2022 compared to 30.6% in 2017. AAP made a host of promises, including Minimum Support Price to farmers and bagged 42.01% votes. This time, AAP is trying to side with farmers' unions. CM Mann joined their talks with central ministers, demanded Internet be restored, called out Shambu and Khanauri barricades as a border between India and Panjab, and wrote to Haryana to not use drones to drop tear gas, especially in Panjab. Farmers continue to ask him to do more. INC demanded a police case against Haryana Home Minister Anil Vij and police for using tear gas shells and rubber bullets to disperse the farmers at interstate borders. SAD was trying to join hands with BJP but the protests have stalled its plans. SAD has announced full support for the farmers. BJP's rural push plans in Panjab and Haryana are in complete disarray.  

On 15 Feb, the Supreme Court of India struck down the Electoral Bonds Scheme (EBS) as ‘unconstitutional and manifestly arbitrary.’ EBS provided blanket anonymity to political donors and critical legal amendments allowing rich corporations to make unlimited political donations. EBS was announced in 2018 by the BJP-led government. A five-judge Bench headed by Chief Justice of India D.Y. Chandrachud held that the Indian government’s scheme, and preceding amendments made to the Representation of the People Act, the Companies Act, and the Income Tax Act, violated the voters’ right to information about political funding under Article 19(1)(a) of the Constitution. An analysis of the electoral bonds scheme shows that the ruling BJP garnered nearly 55% of the funds till Mar 2023, while its closest rival, INC, got a mere 9.3%. The highest sale of EBS bonds for the whole 30 phases was during the last general elections. From 1-20 Apr 2019, bonds worth $272M were sold. According to EBS data released by Election Commission of India, until Mar 2023, the BJP received $792M while the INC $136M. The judgment, though widely celebrated for blocking BJP’s access to funds, needs to be taken with a pinch of salt. The BJP has moved so far ahead in raising funds that no one can catch up with them. Like 2019, this is an election year. Corporations are watching INC to show promise in its Bharat Nyay Jodo Yatra (India Unity & Justice March) (SDW Vol. 2 Issue 4, Story 8). Now Panjab and Haryana farmers have erupted in protest. These spoil BJP’s chances to some extent, but corporations can no longer invest in INC or any other opposition.

Eight Indian Navy veterans jailed in Qatar over alleged spying charges have been released and reached India early on 12 Feb. The Indian nationals are all employees of Qatar’s Dahra Global Technologies and Consulting Services — a private company that offers training and other services to the defense and security agencies of Qatar. The veterans were arrested Aug 2022 and were given the death sentence in Oct 2023 (SDW Vol. 1 Issue 7, Story 8). The veterans did not have prior information of their release and were taken away by embassy officials shortly after they were freed. The Indian media started celebrating the role of National Security Advisor Ajit Doval and Foreign Minister S. Jaishankar. A day later, rumors started circulating that cine star Shah Rukh Khan had played a role in the release of the Navy veterans, which Khan denied. Qatar’s decision to free the veterans could have been prompted by business interests. From 2011 to 2018, India invested $450 million in Qatar. Earlier in 2023, it was reported that Mukesh Ambani's Reliance Retail alone would get a $1 billion investment from Qatar's sovereign wealth fund. On the same day as the release of the jailed veterans, in Brampton, Ontario, Canada, construction workers discovered a bullet hole at Inderjit Singh Gosal’s home. Gosal has been working with US-based group Sikhs for Justice (SFJ) and is a close aide to Gurpatwant Singh Pannun. SFJ in a statement said, the bullet hole was found ‘days after Gosal announced the Khalistan Freedom Rally at the Indian Consulate Toronto on 17 Feb.’

The Samyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM) and Central Trade Unions (CTU) called for a Bharat Grameen Bandh (India Rural Strike) and industrial strike for 16 Feb (SDW Vol. 2 Issue 5, Story 7). According to SKM and CTU, 200M participated.. SKM called the strike to press for their demand for Minimum Support Price (MSP) as per the Swaminathan Commission formula, a one-time loan waiver from all banks and Non-Banking Financial Companies, scrapping the Electricity Amendment Act, and the suspension of Union Minister for Home Ajay Mishra — who allegedly protected his son Ashish Mishra in the Lakhimpur Kheri Massacre — from the Indian government. The CTU joined the call to scrap four labor codes and set a minimum salary of $313 per month for workers to combat the impact of inflation. Large-scale protests were observed in Kerala, Tamil Nadu, Andhra Pradesh, Telangana, Karnataka, Maharashtra, Uttar Pradesh, Assam, Haryana, Panjab, and Gujarat. Due to the school examination schedule, farmers and workers from West Bengal observed the strike on 13 Feb. However, the Dilli Chalo (March to Delhi) in Panjab, Haryana, Rajasthan, and Uttar Pradesh, the confrontation with the security forces on the borders of Panjab and Haryana, even Uttar Pradesh and Delhi, robbed the massive protest of its luster. SKM has planned to intensify its agitation. For now, as the farmers prepare to break barricades and march to Delhi on 21 Feb, SKM has given a call to protest in all BJP and the National Democratic Alliance constituencies all across the country. 

A seven-judge Bench of the Supreme Court on 14 Feb reserved its judgment on the permissibility of sub-classification within Scheduled Castes (SC) and Scheduled Tribe reservations. The Court is examining whether its judgment in E V Chinnaiah vs State of Andhra Pradesh & Others (2004) — where it ruled that the SCs form a homogenous class and that there cannot be any subdivision among them — needs a relook. The hearing has thrown a spotlight on Panjab, which has also moved the top court to reconsider its 2004 judgment. The AAP government is arguing that ‘it is no longer about advantaged, disadvantaged but about disadvantaged, more disadvantaged.’ According to the 2011 census, at 32%, Panjab has the largest proportion of SCs in its population. In 1975, during INC’s rule under Giani Zail Singh, the Panjab government issued a circular which reserved 50% of jobs within the 25% quota for SCs for members of the Valmiki and Mazhabi Sikh communities. This circular continued to function until 2006. In July that year, the Punjab and Haryana High Court struck it down in a judgment titled Dr Kishan Pal v. State of Punjab. Mazhabis and Valmikis protested, alleging that another SC community, the Ravidassias, were influencing the case. In September 2006, then Panjab Chief Minister Amarinder Singh, heading an INC government, brought a Bill in the Panjab Legislative Assembly  to ‘protect and safeguard the reservation rights of the Valmikis and Mazhabi Sikhs.’ This was called ‘The Punjab Scheduled Castes and Backward Classes (Reservation in Services) Act, 2006’ and it was passed unanimously.