The Ghost of 1984 Returns

Five Indian states are going into elections in Nov-Dec 2023. Kamal Nath, the Chief Minister aspirant from Madhya Pradesh, is contesting from his home constituency, Chhindwara. BJP leader Kailash Vijayvargiya raised the issue of Nath's involvement in New Delhi in the 1984 Sikh Genocide. Witnesses and journalists have attested to Nath being involved in the killing of Sikhs near Gurdwara Rakab Ganj; he has never been formally charged for the crime. Whether the BJP benefits from raising this issue or not, they are certainly a blot on the INC which it has not washed in the last 39 years. On 18 Oct, the National Commission for Minorities asked ten Indian state secretaries for a report on compensation granted to the 1984 victims. Hearings against another INC leader, Jagdish Tytler, in the Pul Bangash case are in progress in the courts. Meanwhile, in Delhi, the INC is pursuing widespread outreach in Sikh-dominated areas. Delhi state Congress President Arvinder Singh Lovely is expected to preside over 300-400 public meetings until December. One such meeting took place on 22 Oct and did see a large turnout by Sikhs. INC overtures and Sikh response is one part of the story. With Nath leading the INC campaign in Madhya Pradesh, Sikhs continue to be denied justice over 1984.

At a recent National Investigative Agency (NIA) conference, Panjab Police informed the Union Home Secretary and Director of Intelligence that in the last three years they had blocked 6,000 social media accounts – on X (formerly Twitter), Facebook, Instagram, YouTube, and other platforms. Inspector General of Police (Internal Security) Nilabh Kishore stated these bans were to stop the recruitment of youths by jailed gangster Lawrence Bishnoi and Canada-based terrorist Arshdeep Dalla, through social networking sites. An NIA official said gangsters most active on social media are Lawrence Bishnoi, Sampat Nehra, Bhupi Rana, and Lucky Patiyal. The numbers might be as claimed, but such a ban is an instance of greater policing and does not solve the ground issues. The rise of gangsters in post-militancy, post-liberalization Panjab is related to rising real estate prices and political patronage. Real estate brokers needed muscle men, personal security guards, and goons to solve land related issues so they targeted the youth of Panjab and neighboring states where education levels were failing and there were hardly any gainful job prospects. This led to gangs and guns, which have also been eulogized through movies and songs. The political patronage continues. Earlier this year, Bishnoi gave two interviews from jail in which he mentioned cow protection and nationalism, which are Hindutva agendas. At the same time, the ban on gangster social media handles is used as a cover-up for gross free press violations and disruption of information from Panjab in March 2023. During the manhunt for Amritpal Singh, over 500 handles – many belonging to journalists – were suspended in Panjab under the ban. Many have not yet been restored.

On 18 Oct, the Union cabinet raised the Minimum Support Price (MSP) 2-7% for six rabi (winter crops) for marketing season 2024-25. The MSP on wheat is now assured at ₹2,275 per quintal up from ₹2,125 offered last season. Masur (lentil) is now assured at ₹6,425 from ₹6,000 last year. Other crops include barley, gram, mustard, and safflower. Despite the increase, the farmers will be at a loss. While the wheat hike is 7% year-on-year, the input cost of wheat has risen by 9%. The increased MSP does not yield profit. The farmers have been demanding a comprehensive new mechanism for 23 crops on the basis of the ‘C2 + 50%’ formula as proposed by the Swaminathan Report. The formula means input cost of capital plus the rent of the land (called C2) plus 50% return to farmers. The MSP hike seems to be another case of electioneering. General elections are scheduled for 2024. Meanwhile, during the ongoing paddy procurement in Panjab, rice sheller owners have been on strike, stalling the paddy lifting process over Food Corporation of India guidelines on fortified rice. On 19 Oct, nearly eighty rice sheller owners protested on the Mansa-Patiala highway, blocking traffic. Most agriculture-related protests in Panjab are by small and marginal Sikh farmers and laborers. The protesting sheller owners – dominantly Hindu – is a new development.

After his first meeting as Akal Takht Jathedar, Giani Raghbir Singh said the supreme temporal throne of the Sikh religion has received various complaints from the community about people conducting Anand Karaj (Sikh wedding) by installing Guru Granth Sahib at beaches and resorts. He said such weddings were in violation of Sikh rehat maryada (code of conduct) and announced a ban on conducting Anand Karaj with parkash (installation) of Guru Granth Sahib at these places. Notably, in 2009, the Akal Takht had imposed a ban on carrying the Guru Granth Sahib to resorts, banquet halls, and marriage palaces. In that sense, there is nothing new in this announcement. The decision makes sense due to the opulence seen in destination weddings and the increased chances of beadbi (sacrilege) in such lavish settings. However, the announcement also begets questions to ponder upon. In the absence of a Gurdwara nearby – especially in the Sikh Diaspora – people marry at their homes, or in their backyards. What would such people do now? The Guru Granth Sahib says: ‘Wherever the Guru goes and resides is a beautiful space.’ The emphasis needs to be on education of the rehat maryada, and the protocols of dealing with the Guru Granth Sahib, not a ban on its carrying to certain places. Sadly, whether it is Panjab society, its police, or its religious institutions, the dominant response is always a ban. Instead of engagement, education, reform, and rightful practice, the custom of banning is self-defeatist, as it leads to people flouting such bans.

Before the Panjab assembly session on 20-21 Oct, in which the government was supposed to table two Goods and Tax Bills, Panjab Governor Banwarilal Purohit raised objections to the Money Bills. The Governor asked why there was an inordinate delay in getting an amendment approved from the Panjab Vidhan Sabha when one of these amendments had been approved by the Goods and Services Tax Council in July 2023 and the other was approved by the Lok Sabha in March 2023. In a separate letter to the Chief Minister (CM), Purohit expressed displeasure at the state government's 'inefficient governance accentuated by lack of fiscal prudence' and said the government is diverting capital receipts for undisclosed purposes. He has sought a clarification on the issue. As a result, on the first day of the two-day session, CM Mann informed the Speaker his government will not be tabling any Bills and urged him to adjourn the session indefinitely. He said his government will move the Supreme Court against the Governor's refusal to approve the Bills which were to be tabled in the two-day session of the state assembly. Historically in India, when there are difficulties between a state government and a Center-appointed Governor, the blame is usually on the Governor for interfering in government's functioning on behalf of the Central government. However, in Panjab's case, whether as reported last week about the validity of sessions or now with Money Bills, it is increasingly becoming clear the state government is functioning without regard to due Constitutional rules and procedures.

In the last decade under the BJP, India has witnessed record road construction. Distances have shrunk though all highways and expressways charge a high toll tax, mostly serving car owners and goods transport companies. One such project is the 669-kilometer Delhi-Amritsar-Katra expressway being built at a cost of $5B. 137 kilometers of the expressway falls in Haryana, 399 km in Panjab, 135 km in Jammu and Kashmir. In Panjab, the expressway will pass through industrial areas in Patiala, Sangrur, Malerkotla, Ludhiana, Jalandhar, Kapurthala, and Gurdaspur. Farmers in the Gurdaspur belt have been opposing the expressway over inadequate compensation for land acquired. In June at least 126 petitioners contended that their residential houses as well as certain other structures are being demolished without any supplementary award being passed for compensation. The Panjab and Haryana High Court denied them interim relief to stop the acquisition of land. Recently, the National Highway Authorities of India complained to the Panjab and Haryana High Court that Panjab officers were not cooperating over land acquisition. The Panjab CM assured full cooperation to the project. On 19 Oct, Union minister Nitin Gadkari inspected the Panjab leg of the highway. Panjab CM and Amritsar MP Gurjeet Aujla accompanied the minister. Gadkari claimed, ‘The highway will reduce travel time between Delhi and Amritsar to four hours and Delhi to Katra to six hours.’ This is an unrealistic claim. Nevertheless, a rationalization of costs of roads in India for ordinary commuters is much needed.

On 3 Oct, India asked Canada to withdraw 41 diplomats. Canada did so by the 20 Oct deadline without reciprocation. However, when Canada stated that India apparently threatened to ‘unilaterally revoke the diplomats' official status,’ India responded to Canada saying, ‘New Delhi rejects any attempt to portray the implementation of parity as a violation of international norms.’ Canada invoked the Vienna Convention while India maintains it has not broken the Convention. The United Kingdom and the United States have expressed concern over India breaking international conventions. Global visa agency VFS said on 20 Oct it will operate all ten Visa and immigration centers in India, but also stated, ‘IRCC [Immigration, Refugees and Citizenship Canada] is reducing its number of employees in India from 27 to 5. IRCC will continue to accept and process applications from India, but reduced staffing levels are expected to impact processing times.’ Canadian PM Justin Trudeau said India is ‘making millions of lives unbelievably difficult.’ This is accurate, as over 300,000 students from India go to Canada every year for higher studies. Now their visas will be immensely delayed. About 70% of these students are from Panjab. 15 Canadian Gurdwaras have raised concerns about the travel difficulties of families in a large Panjabi Diaspora split between the two countries. Meanwhile, in an interview, Australia Security Intelligence Organisation (ASIO) director general Mike Burgess said, ‘I would have no reason to dispute what the Canadian government has said in this matter (of Nijjar’s killing blamed on India).’ It is increasingly apparent India stands isolated among the more powerful nations but sadly this will impact Indians, and the BJP might use it to foment nationalism in the 2024 elections.

Although the 2021 Census is yet to be held, statistics of Civil Registration System (CRS) shows that the population growth rate in Panjab has been declining over the past decade, with the annual addition to the population falling by 50% from 2011 to 2020. The state's population growth rate of 1.65% is lower than the Indian average of 2.98%. The decline is attributed to young Panjabis emigrating abroad and settling there, while migrants from other states are coming into Panjab. There is a visible trend of Muslim migration to Panjab due to the state’s communal stability. Panjabis have been migrating to other countries for more than a century now. Initially, this trend was mainly centered around the state's Doaba region due to smaller landholdings there. Three decades ago, the turmoil in Panjab accelerated the migration. Now, owing to systemic decline in the state, young Panjabis with backgrounds in trade, farming, and businesses, both small and established, are leaving for foreign countries. The shift is also from rural to urban; from lower economic strata to upper; from agrarian to business; from Panjab to other states and countries. This is not just brain drain but a huge loss of enterprising spirit as well.  In January 2022, the earlier INC government announced steps for International English Language Testing System (IELTS) coaching to facilitate the emigration of students. Now the AAP government says IELTS should be made part of the education system in Panjab to tackle the problem of centers facilitating unauthorized emigration. These trends may have a significant impact on the Sikh population, which has already been declining nationally.

In the 1950s, the British brought 300 Sikhs to Shillong to keep the city clean. The British settled the Sikhs on a 3.5-acre plot variously known as Harijan Colony, colloquially called Sweeper Colony, now called Panjabi Lane. Panjabi Lane is free land sandwiched between three kinds of administration: the Cantonment land, the Municipal Board land, and the 6th Schedule Tribal reserve land. Over the last 170 years, many of these Sikhs married local Khasi women, their families grew, they found work in the city – mostly as sweepers and local vendors – and some returned back to Panjab. Panjabi Lane has now grown into a densely packed residential area with 342 Panjabi families residing in 220 houses. Two decades back, the local Khasi community started feeling uncomfortable with the Sikh presence in their midst. Though the traditional Shillong society has no caste system, the locals started targeting the mostly Sikh-Khasi mixed population, who religiously follow the Sikh faith over their Dalit caste identity. It led to riots, a bitter legal battle with the Meghalaya government, and the long red tape of land relocation paperwork. This is an issue about the beautification of Bara Bazaar, a neighborhood in the heart of Meghalaya’s capital – a city’s urban renewal dream. However, the questions it brings up apply to Sikhs globally outside Panjab: does ethnicity alone determine belonging, or does labor also determine belonging? For generations the people of Panjabi Lane have labored for the city. Does the city not owe them permanent homes?

Amid the Israel-Hamas conflict, the Arab world has noticed PM Modi’s support for Israel and criticism of Hamas, not India’s official stand in favor of the two-nation idea. The reason is PM Modi’s early stance. On 7 Oct, soon after the Hamas bombing of Israel, PM Modi tweeted solidarity with Israel. On 10 Oct, PM Modi called his Israeli counterpart Benjamin Netanyahu to discuss the escalation in violence in West Asia. On 12 Oct, by the time the Indian Ministry of Foreign Affairs released its statement on ‘independent and viable State of Palestine living within secure and recognized borders, side by side at peace with Israel,’ it was already too late. On 19 Oct, PM Modi spoke to the Palestine Authority. On 20 Oct, the Indian foreign ministry reiterated that India has always been in support of statehood for Palestine. On 22 Oct, India sent aid to Gaza. These too did not register with the Arab world. The digital age is known for its speed, and India lost five days while its leader was cozying up to Israel. Additionally, the atmosphere on Indian television is pro-Israel and against Palestine. Though on ground, among worldwide pro-Palestine protests, there have been protests in Panjab, Delhi, Bangalore and other cities. Like in the Russia-Ukraine war, India is now trying to be on both sides. However, the West needed Russian oil, that is not the case here. The core issue is India lacks a larger foreign policy framework, and a vision of itself in world affairs.