Panjab Fails to Quell Protests

The call for talks between the Indian govt. and farmers on 21 Feb turned out to be a no-show. The govt. refused to engage in talks on Minimum Support Price (MSP). After two days, the two unions leading the Chalo Dilli (March to Delhi) issued a program for the next six days. The two groups who gave the original call – Bhartiya Kisan Union Non-Political and Kisan Mazdoor Morcha – are assessing their strengths and challenges before deciding the next program. In this period, many more details on the firing and vandalism by security forces and unidentified goons in plain clothes under the cover of police on 21 Feb at Shambhu and Khanauri have come to light. The farmers groups demand the Panjab govt. conduct Shubhkaran Singh’s post-mortem and file a case against the Haryana govt. To date, the port-mortem has not been conducted, no Panjab govt. official has visited the site of the killing, and no case has been filed. The Panjab govt. has announced a compensation of $120K, which the family and unions have refused. Another person, Pritpal Singh, was abducted by Haryana police and badly beaten. He is now being treated. It is clear that the Panjab govt. could not defend its citizens from an attack on their own soil. Instead, the Panjab Director General Police lied about the death of Deputy Superintendent Police Dilpreet Singh’s death, stating that he died at the Khanauri border when the policeman in fact suffered a cardiac stroke in a gymnasium in Ludhiana. UK MP Tanmanjeet Singh Dhesi raised the farmers’ human rights issue in the Parliament. In British Columbia, the Gurdwara Council has written to the Canadian govt. to ask India to stop its crackdown on farmers.

After the Samyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM) meeting on 22 Feb, they announced the following programs: 23 Feb as a nationwide Akrosh Diwas (Anger Day), during which they have urged people to put up black flags to condemn the Haryana police action on 21 Feb. 26 Feb as a Tractor Demonstration in which farmers all over India would drive up to the nearest highway and park their tractors facing Delhi. The demand was that India pull out of the World Trade Organization Agreement on Agriculture. 14 Mar as a Mahapanchayat (large gathering) of farmers, workers, youth, women, and tribals at Ram Lila Maidan, New Delhi. Akrosh Diwas and Tractor Demonstration were well-attended in North India. By the time of the Mahapanchayat, general elections would be announced and the Election Code of Conduct would be implemented, during which the security forces have an even freer hand than usual and can restrict civilian movement. It remains to be seen how SKM negotiates that hurdle. The Farmers' Protest is weighed down because the three groups – Samyukt Kisan Morcha (SKM), Samyukt Kisan Morcha Non-Political (SKM NP), and Kisan Mazdoor Morcha (KMM) – are not together. While this time the barricades on the Panjab and Haryana inter-state border are far greater, a much larger force is deployed, the farmers also stand blocked because the Haryana-based Bhartiya Kisan Union Chaduni is not part of the Chalo Dilli (March to Delhi) call. In 2020-21 the Haryana farmers paved the way for Panjab farmers to reach Delhi. SKM has formed a panel to talk to SKM NP and KMM to assess how they can draw out a common program. Meanwhile, the Haryana government has announced a waiver of farm loan interests. The Uttar Pradesh government has increased the MSP for sugarcane. These offers do little to assuage farmers.

The main demand of the protesting farmers is a legal guarantee on Minimum Support Price (MSP). Here are two contrasting views on MSP by two experts. Professor Sardara Singh Johl, former Vice Chancellor of Punjab Agricultural University says MSP is beneficial for farmers only when it is higher than the market rate, and stressed the need to benefit small farmers. ‘About 60 countries of the world provide direct subsidies to farmers. The govt. cannot give MSP on all 23 crops. It is not possible to implement it.’ Johl said that in 2021-22, the United States gave more than $42B to the farmers. His argument is for subsidies, not MSP. Professor Himanshu from Jawaharlal Nehru University says, ‘There was similar fear mongering during the run-up to the enactment of the National Food Security Act (NFSA) and the National Rural Employment Guarantee Act. The reality is that neither of these pieces of legislation has bankrupted the govt. Instead, they proved to be a lifeline for people during the pandemic. MSP-like mechanisms are available to farmers in other countries. The purpose is to insulate farmers from price volatility with govt. actions through active intervention when the market prices fall below the MSP. While the govt. announces MSP for 23 crops, it is in practice only implemented for rice and wheat, and occasionally for pulses and other crops. In these cases, market intervention by the govt. is not done to support the farmers, but to fulfill the statutory requirements to fulfill its obligations under NFSA. Farmers are only demanding that the govt. implement the MSP scheme as envisaged.’ Basically, the current MSP is for consumers, farmers want it for producers. It is important to note that the 'high price' of MSP is a myth, as determined by rating agency CRISIL, the real cost is only $2.5B (SDW Vol.2 Issue 8, Story 5).

SKM, SKM NP, and KMM gave a call on 26 Feb for a nationwide Tractor Demonstration. The demand was that India must leave the World Trade Organization (WTO) Agreement on Agriculture. After World War II, in a bi-polar world, the western nations came together in 1947 to form the multilateral General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT). Over the years, GATT determined liberalization policies in the world that aligned with the West. It also provided frameworks and technology for the development of agriculture and other trades in developing countries. The aim was to keep control over nations lest they move to the Soviet bloc. By the 8th round of GATT (1987-93) in Uruguay, the Soviet Union collapsed and the mandate now was to liberalize agriculture and textiles. After considerable negotiation between the United States and the European Union, this led to the formation of WTO (1995) to replace GATT. WTO mandates that the government cannot buy more than 10% agrarian produce than of the value of production, besides rules on food quality and on patents. This opened the doors for Western countries to export food, agricultural technology, seeds, pesticides, fertilizers to India, but the Indian farmer could not get a decent price for their produce. The current Indian government has asked WTO for amendments in the formula to calculate the food subsidy cap. India calls it imbalanced and against developing nations. This will allow India to give better MSP for agricultural produce. This is the same position as the farmers. Yet, the violence.

On 18 Feb, Dibrugarh Central Jail in Assam where Waris Punjab De chief Amritpal Singh and his nine associates are currently lodged, reported a major security breach. The police allegedly found a spy camera, a smartphone, a keypad phone, pen drives, Bluetooth headphones and speakers, a smartwatch, and several other objects in the cells of the National Security Act detainees. On 20 Feb, a voice message surfaced on social media in which Amritpal says the authorities are planting hidden cameras in their cells, planting objects, and now they suspect they will be poisoned so they have gone on a hunger strike. They have asked the Panjab govt. to shift them to a jail in Panjab. Giani Harpreet Singh, Jathedar of Damdama Sahib, issued a statement in favor of Amritpal. On 22 Feb, one more video emerged in which Amritpal talks about not being heard by the District Commissioner and other instances of state apathy like what protesting farmers are facing and compares the situation with Manipur. He urges youth to assemble at the Akal Takht and start a struggle to get his associates and him to Panjab. On 22 Feb, Amritpal’s mother Balwinder Kaur also started a hunger strike at the Darbar Sahib (Golden Temple) gate. On 23 Feb, the SGPC chief Harjinder Singh Dhami met Amritpal’s family and assured them of their support in bringing him and associates to a jail in Panjab. The events raise a few questions: the timing because the Farmers’ Protest is underway; why are police planting these objects which show ineffective policing; and who is releasing these voice and video messages? (SDW Vol. 1 Issue 10, Story 7).

On 20 Feb, Indian Police Service officer Jaspreet Singh, serving as Special Superintendent of Police (SSP) from the Intelligence Branch, was deputed at Dhamakhali. His task was to prevent West Bengal’s BJP leader of opposition Suvendu Adhikari from visiting Sandeshkhali in North 24 Parganas district. Sandeshkhali is an island in the Sunderban Delta, currently in the news over the alleged rape and torture of women by Shahjahan Sheikh, who enjoys CM of West Bengal Mamata Banerjee’s patronage. At Dhamakhali, according to SSP Jaspreet, Adhikari called him a ‘Khalistani.’ Jaspreet responded, ‘Just because I am wearing a turban, you are saying this. If I was not wearing a turban, would you call me a Khalistani? You cannot say this about my religion.’ BJP denied the allegation. ‘No one has abused him or used the word Khalistani. He is trying to make an issue. The police officer was not performing his duty as per the Constitution,’ said BJP leader Agnimitra Paul. The Panjab government backed SSP Jaspreet, the SGPC and the opposition blamed BJP. The Sikhs of Bengal protested in favor of SSP Jaspreet at Kolkata and of Jamshedpur have demanded action. Manjinder Singh Sirsa from BJP criticized Banerjee over her past association with INC leaders responsible for 1984 genocide but missed saying she had also partnered with BJP. The deeper implications of this incident are how for Sikhs living outside Panjab within India, Khalistan has negative connotations, and its use as an insult. The way Banerjee created a ruckus over the issue shows how the intentional targeting of a Sikh is being used to distract from the communal violence in Sandeshkhali. 

Chandigarh Mayor-elect Manoj Sonkar of the BJP resigned a night before the Supreme Court hearing on the mayor elections case on 19 Feb. AAP and INC fought the election as an alliance and alleged that the BJP hijacked the elections through wrong counting of votes by the election commissioner Anil Masih (SDW Vol. 2 Issue 6, Story 1). The court cross-examined Masih and declared the result invalid. In the normal course, the court would have announced a re-election upon examination of actual ballot papers. While that decision was pending, BJP got three AAP councilors to defect and join their party. Concerned about horse trading, the court ordered the mayor be declared on the basis of already cast votes. The AAP plus INC alliance has 20/36 votes and the new mayor is Kuldeep Kumar Dhalor. Dhalor was to take charge 26 Feb but his swearing in was postponed because he was unavailable. On 27 Feb, the Punjab and Haryana High Court ordered the mayor to take oath on 28 Feb and document it through video recording.The Supreme Court’s decision to consider the mayor election invalid also voided the results for the senior deputy mayor and deputy mayor. The Chandigarh administration has scheduled the elections for these posts on 4 Mar. On 25 Feb, ahead of the fresh election for senior deputy mayor and deputy mayor, the BJP moved its councilors to Morni Hills on the outskirts of Chandigarh to guard against reverse poaching by AAP and INC.

Ever since the INC refused to nominate Kamal Nath to Rajya Sabha, there has been speculation about the INC leader – once considered Indira Gandhi’s third son – joining the BJP. Nath has been union cabinet minister multiple times and is a former CM of Madhya Pradesh. Though never formally charged, for last four decades, Sikhs and human rights advocates maintain Nath instigated violence at Gurdwara Rakab Ganj during the 1984 Sikh genocide. The Nanavati Commission also recorded evidence against Nath. Journalist Sanjay Suri mentioned Nath’s role in the violence in his book 1984: The Anti-Sikh Violence and After and in this interview (SDW Vol. 1 Issue 6, Story 1). Nath’s supposed bid to join BJP is stalled. BJP’s Sikh leaders Tejinder Bagga and RP Singh expressed their reservations. Over the years, BJP has accused Nath of violence towards Sikhs. INC has continued to defend Nath even as late as recent Madhya Pradesh assembly elections (SDW Vol. 1 Issue 8, Story 4). The move is also stalled because it would have alienated BJP’s Sikh members and jeopardized BJP’s talks with SAD for an alliance. Additionally, the Farmers’ Protest is continuing, and a majority of the farmers are Sikh. Nath’s son Nakul Nath recently dropped the term ‘Congress’ from his X handle and effusively welcomed Madhya Pradesh CM Mohan Yadav to their family turf, Chhindwara. Nath’s aide has said he is selecting candidates for Lok Sabha elections, which could cost INC dearly, as did his leadership in the last state elections.

On 22 Feb, the Central Bureau of Investigation (CBI) searched the premises of former Jammu and Kashmir (J&K) governor Satya Pal Malik and 29 other locations in connection with alleged corruption in the Kiru hydropower project in Jammu’s Kishtwar district. This was a $265M contract for civil work at a hydroelectric project. In Oct 2021, Malik had said he had received an offer of a bribe of $36M to clear two files when he was the J&K governor from 23 Aug 2018 to 30 Oct 2019. In April 2022, the CBI charged Chenab Valley Power Projects Pvt Ltd (CVPPPL) officials in this case, among others. Malik, who claimed to be a witness in the case so far, turned suspect after his alleged involvement came to the fore during the CBI investigation. Officially, the CBI never called Malik a witness but had earlier called him in for questioning for clarifications. Malik was one of the supporters of the 2020-21 Farmers’ Protest. He had become the toast of the Indian middle class. He was the J&K governor when the BJP abrogated Article 370 and 35A of the Indian constitution and demoted the state into two union territories – Jammu & Kashmir and Ladakh. Malik has also been a member of Rajya and Lok Sabhas, and former governor of Bihar, Odisha, Goa, and Meghalaya. Malik has been regularly targeting the ruling regime but the raid is being seen as linked to the current Farmers’ Protest.

Panjab govt. is hosting the Rangla Panjab (Colorful Panjab) festival in Amritsar from 23 Feb. This is an effort to promote the state as a global tourist destination. Just as Amritsar got a massive facelift ahead of the G20 summit last year, the municipality has painted and drawn symbols and scenes from Panjab’s heritage on various prominent spots in the city. Major singers will perform at Heritage Street, Gobindgarh Fort, and so on. Last week, Amritsar also celebrated a five-day literature festival at Khalsa College. Panjabi singer and BJP Lok Sabha member Hans Raj Hans launched the festival. Books from over 110 publishers across the country were available at stalls. The festival reports sales are yet to be calculated but is in the range of $30K. Meanwhile, Panjab Ration Depot Owners met Governor Banwari Lal Purohit to express discontent over how the state government’s new scheme, Ghar Ghar Muft Ration (Free Ration at your Door), is impacting their livelihoods and violates the National Food Security Act. The Act has 14M beneficiaries in Panjab. Terming the scheme launched by the state government illegal, Gurjinder Singh Sidhu, president of the union, stated that the bags in which the flour is distributed ‘bears the AAP name and photo of chief minister which shows they want to drive political mileage out of the scheme and are depriving the depot holders of their income.’ Seems like this scheme will also go the health center way and cause issues in central funding to the state (SDW Vol. 2 Issue 1, Story 7).